Sunday, May 16, 2010
What Really is the Tea Party Movement? "America's most vibrant political force"? Or a force that spreads lies and propaganda?
When Animals, Federal Statutes, and the First Amendment Collide: An Analysis of United States v. Stevens
I have to start this post off with a confession. I am a Supreme Court junkie who spends far too much time on oyez.org reading SCOTUS decisions, listening to oral arguments, and generally happily wasting my time on the internet's biggest time sink. So I can say (pretty safely) that I am the first person Justice Samuel A. Alito Jr. has ever gotten kicked out of a library, and I was not at all surprised that I was.
No, I'm not kidding. I was, as usual, reading Oyez after school, and suddenly I was reading that Justice Alito was the sole dissenter in a decision that overturned a ban on videos depicting animal cruelty. Now, as a rule, I don't like Alito that much. I disagree with his interpretations of laws and the constitution, and am not a fan of his conservative ideology. But for this one case, I find myself in total agreement with him. And when I found that out, I might have been a bit . . . loud in my surprise/agreement. And, uhhhh did I mention we have a really strict librarian at our school? So yes, Justice Alito, it is partially your fault that I got kicked out of the library.
Anyway, that aside, this case is a very important one in terms of both free speech and animal cruelty laws. According to NPR, "the law was meant to prohibit a particularly gruesome genre of video called "crush videos" in which small animals are crushed by women wearing high heels, a sexual fetish practice many people find offensive on a number of levels. The particular case that made its way to the Supreme Court was about videos that showed pit bulls fighting other dogs or attacking animals like pigs." The 8-justice majority ruled that the law was too broad, and therefore unconstitutional under the first amendment. Alito takes a different view, stating in his dissent that he would instruct the lower courts to "decide whether the videos that respondent sold are constitutionally protected" (NPR).
With that background, let's move on to the facts/specifics of the case. Robert Stevens was convicted under Title 18, Section 48 of the U.S. Criminal Code, which bans the knowing creation, sale, or possession of depictions of cruelty to animals "with the intention of placing that depiction in interstate or foreign commerce for commercial gain" (18 U.S.C. §48). There are exceptions to this: if the work has "serious religious, political, scientific, educational, journalistic, historical, or artistic value", it is permissible to create/sell/possess the work (18 U.S.C. §48). Stevens' conviction "stems from an investigation into the selling of videos related to illegal dog fighting" (Oyez). The district court convicted him, and he appealed to the Third Circuit, arguing that his conviction was not valid because the federal statute was itself unconstitutional. Third Circuit reversed the district court, the government appealed to the Supreme Court, and Stevens won a 5-4 victory with a decision that upheld the Circuit based on the fact that the statute was broad enough to be unconstitutional.
The law is rather broadly worded; there are slight grey ares. Nevertheless, I am disappointed that this law was struck down, for several reasons. First, I agree with Alito when he blasts the Court for applying the overbreadth doctrine to §48. Second, I do not see any undue restrictions on first amendment rights.
In general, for a federal statute to be considered "overbroad", it must prohibit a substantial amount of protected speech. Since those acts have already been deemed illegal, and there have been no constitutional challenges to those laws, I don't see how overbreadth can be applied. As Stevens challenged the law on its face, he would typically have to prove "that no set of circumstances exists under which [§48] would be valid" (United States v. Salerno) or that the law has no "plainly legitimate sweep" (Washington v. Glucksberg). Because Stevens is a First Amendment case (neither Salerno or Glucksberg were), the Court uses a different standard, codified in Washington State Grange v. Washington State Republican Party which states that a law is overbroad if "a substantial number of its applications are unconstitutional, judged in relation to the statute’s plainly legitimate sweep." (Opinion of the Court, page 10).
In reading the opinion of the court, I see that they are chiefly concerned with hunting videos, and with videos of animals being killed for food. First, I see no reason why hunting videos would be covered under §48. Almost every single state has exceptions to their animal cruelty laws for wildlife/hunting (a comprehensive and specific list can be found in the appendix to Alito's opinion). Thus, they are clearly exempt under part (c) part (1) of the law, which states that the law only applies to videos depicting illegal acts. Even though the Court rather tortuously applies overbreadth because hunting is illegal in the District of Columbia, hunting would still be exempt under §48(b) because hunting can be (and usually has been) viewed as having "“scientific” value in that it promotes conservation, “historical” value in that it provides a link to past times when hunting played a critical role in daily life, and “educational” value in that it furthers the understanding and appreciation of nature and our country’s past and instills valuable character traits" (Opinion of Justice Alito, page 7). In regards to the second worry of the Court, animals being humanely slaughtered for food: such acts are not illegal under the criminal codes of most states, and therefore §48 cannot be applied. So it cannot reasonably be argued that §48 "bans a substantial amount of protected speech in absolute terms" (Opinion of Justice Alito, page 19).
Moving on to the first amendment issue, we run into a more complex can of worms. Free speech is generally considered one of the most fundamental rights: by the preferred position doctrine, it occupies a higher consideration when deciding cases than do most other rights. However, that doesn't mean free speech is absolute. Both the Bad Tendency Doctrine and the Clear and Present Danger Doctrine restrict what speech is protected under the first amendment. Speech can be limited if it might lead to harm or to illegal action, or if there is an imminent threat to society. So if you want to yell "Fire!" in a crowded theater (a bad idea in any case) that is not protected under your right to free speech.
With that explanation of free speech and its exceptions, let's consider how those guidelines apply to animal cruelty videos, be they crush videos, dogfights, or something else. Does this "speech" lead to harm or illegal action? Obviously, yes. All states have laws (of varying strengths) against animal cruelty, and videos promoting it not only show that people can get away with breaking the law, but that it's fun, and, guess what, you can do it too! As for harm, well, the harm done to the animals is blatant, and in many cases, irreparable. Is there an imminent threat to society? That's more difficult to explain, but again, I would argue "yes". Numerous studies have shown that it is a short step from killing/torturing animals to killing/torturing humans. Representative Gallegley, the original sponsor of the 1999 bill, points out that "The FBI, U.S. Department of Education and the U.S. Department of Justice consider animal cruelty to be one of the early warning signs of potential violence by youths" (ConsumerAffairs.com). And, once again, encouraging people to break laws is in no way beneficial. In this case, I would disagree with the Third Circuit and the Supreme Court when they say that there is not enough compelling government interest for §48 to survive strict scrutiny.
I would even go so far as to question the free speech aspect of this case. The law specifically states that the animal torture videos are illegal "if such conduct is illegal under Federal law or the law of the State in which the creation, sale, or possession takes place" (18 U.S.C. §48 (c)(1)). I referenced that section above, but in essence, what this section is providing for is the arrest and (possible) conviction of people who possess videos of themselves or others committing an illegal act. Justice Alito addresses this in his opinion, while connecting the crush videos the law was intended to ban with the dogfighting videos at the core of this case: "as with crush videos, moreover, the statutory ban on commerce in dogfighting videos is also supported by compelling governmental interests in effectively enforcing the Nation’s criminal laws and preventing criminals from profiting from their illegal activities." (Opinion of Justice Alito, page 19).
Okay, taking off my Judge hat, I will move on to the effect of this decision. First off, this decision severely limits the prosecutorial discretion of the government. As the majority of the Court says (repeatedly), §48 was originally intended to allow for the possession/sale/creation of crush videos. However, the government has used it to prosecute people for the possession/sale/creation of other videos depicting people torturing animals in ways that are also illegal -- dogfighting being just one example. In relying overmuch on original intent, the Court is making it more difficult for the government to prosecute people who wish to sell videos of themselves committing illegal acts.
Secondly, it brings into question multiple other Court decisions, most specifically those dealing with obscenity and child pornography. As noted previously, the courts have decided that some speech is unprotected; the Government asked in this case that a new category be added, saying in their brief "Whether a given category of speech enjoys First Amendment protection depends upon a categorical balancing of the value of the speech against its societal costs." The Court reacted badly to this view, claiming that, even though they have in the past decided that in cases of unprotected speech "the evil to be restricted so overwhelmingly outweighs the expressive interests, if any, at stake, that no process of case-by-case adjudication is required" (New York v. Ferber, child pornography case). What I find interesting, and slightly hypocritical here, is this sentence: "We made clear that Ferber presented a special case: The market for child pornography was intrinsically related to the underlying abuse, and was therefore an integral part of the production of such materials, an activity illegal throughout the Nation." (Majority opinion, internal quotations omitted). Apart from the fact that the subjects are animals rather than human children, the market's relationship to the illegal act is the same in Stevens as it was in Ferber, if not more pronounced. The Humane Society found more than 3000 animal crush videos online before the 1999 law went into effect; once the law was passed, the market vanished virtually overnight -- only to reappear with a vengeance once the Third Circuit decision came out. With such a clear correlation, how can the court continue to justify Ferber, arguable one of the most important decisions in terms of protecting those who have no voice from harm and exploitation?
The Representatives behind the §48 are working to produce a more narrow version of the law, which will hopefully satisfy these critics while still doing an effective job of both preventing criminals from profiting from their illegal acts and protecting helpless animals.
Further Reading:
Monday, May 10, 2010
Republicans Running Against Boxer: Brief Synopsis
I would like to briefly talk about the Republican candidates running against Barbra Boxer for the Senatorial election in California. I have decided to talk about their views on the economy as well as their history and will post the links to their campaign pages so you can learn more about these qualified candidates.
Tom Campbell: He was a Congressman, state budget director, law school professor, economist and the nominee in 2000. He believes in reducing our spending so we don’t cause inflation, which may hit after there are more jobs and people start spending more money. He was one of six Republicans to vote against the bill that reversed the Glass-Stengel act because he feared the merger of investment and commercial banks would create too-big-to-fail institutions that the government would have to bail out if there was failure (guess he was right).
Website: http://www.campbell.org/ideas.
Chuck DeVore: He is a state assemblyman and was an Irvine city commissioner and aerospace executive. He follows the basic platform of the Republican Party and believes the government should let businesses create jobs and not heavily tax them. He is a member of the Tea Party (who believes in small government and lower taxes) and seems the most “Republican” out of all the Republican candidates, which doesn’t seem to be helping him in the polls.
Website: http://chuckdevore.com/n/issues/.
Carly Fiorina: She was CEO of Hewlett Packard and the 2008 McCain Campaign adviser. She proposes focusing on small businesses and on cutting their taxes to help create jobs and fix the economy. She also wants to address the debt. She is endorsed by Sarah Palin which might be a plus to the more grassroots Republicans but a big minus to the more liberal Republicans (which seems to be a lot of the Republicans in California) and she seems to me, politically, the least qualified out of the three.
Website: http://www.carlyforcalifornia.com/
I think I would endorse DeVore because even though he is too conservative for my taste his economic ideals match up with mine, he’s experienced, and he seems like the best out of the three. I feel like he could be the next Reagan of California (or at least that’s what people are calling him. . .)
On a side note: I am encouraging all of the people of voting age to please register and get involved in picking the people who hold power and who change our lives. I know this sounds cheesy, but your votes really DO count. To make it really easy for you: http://www.rockthevote.com/rtv_register.html?source=rtv.com-homegraphic. Please Vote!
AND . . . the other candidates for this election and others: http://www.politics1.com/ca.htm
Kelo v. City of New London: Attack on Nostalgia and Our Fundamental Rights
I know this case isn’t considered recent news, however it is one of those court cases that are very controversial and it’s future ramifications are tremendous; I predict this case will come up again.
I have many feelings towards Kelo v. City of New London, a Supreme Court case decided in 2005 that states government can use eminent domain to take over private property for private use if there is “public use” that comes out of it. Eminent domain is when the government takes over private property for public use, however the government must offer the fair market value of the property. Also, a stipulation of this is that it must be for “public use”.
Now, after reading about this case the thing that struck me was how the Court defined “public use”. They defined it as something for the good of the public and that benefits the townspeople’s general needs. They were planning on building office buildings for Pfizer on the land parcel they wanted to take over. This isn’t exactly what “public use” means to me, because I see it as something we get to use (like an airport) and I think the decision that it is “public use” because it brings more taxes for the community, doesn’t correlate well with the original intent of the Founders. I believe eminent domain was mainly used during wartime for hospitals and such and now is more commonly used (and stretched a little) to include airports, roads, etc. And that’s what the Founders meant it to be. I don’t think they ever imagined it to be applied to taking over private property to give to another private agent (like a company). Where do we draw the line? If the government uses eminent domain to take over this land for this company because the company generates more tax revenue, then who’s to say they won’t do that to you. No homeowner is safe under this law and this is the pinnacle of government interference into your life. They are dictating whether the property YOU bought shall remain yours or not.
The majority opinion of this case could be considered a loose constructionist view of the Constitution. Meaning, that the interpretation of the text of the Constitution was done so to adapt with changes within America and doesn’t always adhere to what the Founders intended. Loose constructionists think of the Constitution as a living document to which interpretations of the text can be changed with what society is like today. This is just a general assertion, but most liberals tend to be loose constructionists and most conservatives tend to be strict constructionists. Many great landmark decisions on social and civil liberties issues have been decided in a loose constructionist manner and rights of the people (and many people who previously didn’t have very many rights) were expanded and protected. One prime example of this is Roe v. Wade. The “right to privacy” was used as the Constitutional basis for the argument which was, that it shouldn’t be illegal for women to get an abortion (and as we know, there has to be basis for their decisions in the text of the constitution). However, nowhere is privacy expressly and explicitly mentioned, but it is implied in some amendments (like the 3rd amendment) and so the judges expressed that a privacy right was “written in the penumbras” of the Constitution. I hope this example accurately illustrates what loose construction is; it could be seen as almost political advocating. They are deciding what is right and then molding the Constitution around their beliefs when really they are supposed to analyze what the Constitution says and then form their opinions.
I think many wonderful things (like women’s right to an abortion, and desegregation) have come out of loose construction but there is a potential of unspeakably horrible things to come out of it as well which could undermine the Supreme Court as an institution. One example of this is Plessy v. Ferguson where nowhere in the Constitution is separate-but-equal attached to the Fourteenth Amendment. It is obvious that the intent of the people writing the Fourteenth Amendment was to end discrimination, which segregation helps uphold but the Supreme Court of the time was able to shape the Constitution around their agenda. That is one of the dangers of loose construction; you get nine guys (and girls) in a room deciding the fate of all Americans and because of this potential horrible threat we have the Constitution. Whereas, a strict constructionist sticks to what the Constitution expressly says and may not be able to reach the heights a loose constructionist can, but also won’t reach the depths that can potentially happen with loose constructionist theory.
Another thing that irked me about Kelo is that it violates principles we hold so dear, like the right to “life, liberty, and property”. A right to property is something that is essentially American and has been in our lives since the very beginning (it’s found in the Constitution). We hold our property rights so dear and we fiercely protect them. Our property is an extension of ourselves and we have evolved to believe that WE have control over our property because it is OURS. Our homes are so important to us. They are not just four walls and a roof but they represent so much more. They represent nostalgia and are what help us remember our past and gives us hope for our future. Our homes are those hot summer afternoons where you sit on the porch, and can smell the grass, and are eating an ice cream cone and blowing bubbles. Or it’s camping in your backyard and playing baseball until it’s too dark you can barely see the ball, but you still keep on playing. Or it’s the warm family dinners laced with laughing and joy and rolls. It’s all of those things and that’s what the government is taking away to replace it with offices. Really? That just doesn’t seem right to me. Property is a basic tenant of our government and this has been raped by this decision. This property right has been severely diminished by Kelo because the government control over our property has just significantly expanded and the reasons why they can take our property away from us have expanded as well. I feel this basic principle of American life was very much overlooked by the Court during this decision and very much hope that this case will be overturned if this issue comes before the Court again.
To learn more about the case: http://www.oyez.org/cases/2000-2009/2004/2004_04_108 (I recommend listening to the oral argument; it's fascinating!)
Aftermath of Kelo: http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748704402404574527513453636326.html
Knowledge on strict vs. loose construction: Supreme Court/Government classes
Friday, April 23, 2010
Book Review: "The People v. Bush: One Lawyer's Campaign to Bring the President to Justice and the National Grassroots Movement She Encounters Along the Way"
It takes a certain amount of guts to advocate the criminal prosecution of a president, even one so seemingly universally despised as George W. Bush. And as far as making it a major part of a campaign for state attorney general . . . well, the only thing behind that idea is insanity, right? Wrong.
Charlotte Dennett, a lawyer, writer, and Progressive party member in Vermont, did exactly that during the 2008 elections, turning conventional wisdom on its head and flabbergasting the mainstream media. Her book, "The People v. Bush: One Lawyer's Campaign to Bring the President to Justice and the National Grassroots Movement She Encounters Along the Way" is a chronicle of her campaign and the lessons she learned from it. At the same time, she draws on the work of former federal prosecutor Vincent Bugliosi in order to provide the legal framework behind the idea of prosecuting George Bush for murder.
Yes, murder. The murder of thousands of Americans and Iraqis killed in a war that was started under false pretenses and only "justified" by tortured legal reasoning. But Dennett doesn't stop with the former president. She also accuses top Bush administration officials: Dick Cheney, Condoleezza Rice, John Ashcroft, and most of all, John Yoo and Jay Bybee, authors of the now infamous torture memos and the justifiers extraordinaire of the Iraq war. Most people, if they think Bush & co. committed any crimes except stupidity, they want to prosecute them for war crimes. Unfortunately, since the U.S. refuses to recognize the ICC in The Hague, that is unlikely (there are, however, justices in Spain and Great Britain pursuing indictments against him). But as Dennett points out, there are 50 attorneys general of states, one federal attorney general, and multiple district attorneys, all of whom could prosecute Bush for murder under universal jurisdiction and the effects doctrine. For more information on the legal aspects of the case, I refer you to Dennett's website, http://chardennett.org/faq.html.
No one is too powerful to be touched in this book. In addition to the Bush administration officials, Dennett takes to task her own Senator Patrick Leahy, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, Attorney General Eric Holder, President Obama, and the media. This is an expose of the political maneuvering that went on before the Iraq war, as well as after. Dennett brings the fresh insight typical of third-party candidates, not afraid to take to task those who have been found (in her mind) in violation of morality, ethics, and the constitution.
It doesn't matter if you agree with the prosecution of Bush or not, this is a valuable book to read. It is a call for the accountability that has been absent from Washington for too long. Dennett combines a fun, relatable style with sober legal reasoning and pages of valuable information on how to get involved with grassroots political movements all across the country. It's an inspiring story, and one that should be relevant to seasoned politicians and young activists alike.
Sunday, April 18, 2010
Barbara Boxer: Profile of a Senator
Elections are coming up, and in California, we have one Senatorial election coming up in November. Barbara Boxer, the state's junior senator, is up for re-election for her fourth term. As a Democrat, a woman, and a Californian, I support Ms. Boxer's re-election efforts, and I hope I can convince you to as well.
First, her background. Barbara Boxer was elected to public office in 1976 when she ran for a position of the Marin County Board of Supervisors. She served there for six years and was the first woman to be the president of the board. She was elected to the House of Representatives in 1982 and served for five terms. She won the open seat (vacated by Democrat Alan Cranston) in the 1992 elections for US Senate. Before going into politics, she worked as a stockbroker (her degree is in Economics) and a journalist.
Currently, Senator Boxer is the chairwoman of the Select Committee on Ethics and the Committee on Environment and Public Works, as well as a member of the Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation and the Committee on Foreign Relations. She is also a member of numerous subcommittees as well as the Democratic Chief Deputy Whip.
I will not repeat every single one of Boxer's accomplishments in the Senate, because that would take forever and a day (and my AP Calculus homework is reminding me none too gently that that is time I just don't quite have!). Instead, I will focus on her broad legislative record and a few of her most important initiatives. For more detailed information, I refer you to her re-election website, http://www.barbaraboxer.com/issues.
Economy: Senator Boxer supports California's high-tech, entertainment, and biotech industries. She is also dedicated to preventing military base closures (thereby keeping jobs and increasing the stability of communities) and to convincing the Pentagon to allow disused bases to be refurbished into a community asset. She also recognizes that a good economy today means little if there is no future; to that end, she has fought for an increased use of technology in the classroom, wrote legislation that provided for tax deductions for companies who donated new or almost-new computers to schools, and supported an increased tax deduction to offset the cost of college. These initiatives are especially important to us young voters and almost-future-voters. Finally, and most importantly, she voted for President Obama's stimulus bill, which preserved or created hundreds of thousands of jobs.
Environment: Senator Boxer has fought for legislation that would keep all of the Arctic and many parts of California protected wilderness areas. She is also a leader in the fight against damaging offshore drilling on the California coast. She has worked on many bills to improve the quality of drinking water and set safe standards at levels that would make the water safe for children and the elderly, not just healthy adult men. She also supports California's laws on reducing tailpipe emissions, and has stopped the EPA from testing pesticides on women and children.
Healthcare: Senator Boxer is determined to expand healthcare coverage and reduce costs. She introduced legislation to create a tax deduction to help pay for the cost of insurance premiums and supports giving all Americans access to the same type of healthcare that members of Congress receive. She has consistently supported and authored legislation to promote research into many life-threatening diseases, as well as legislation to crack down on insurance company abuses. She also voted for the healthcare bill that passed Congress earlier this year.
Women's/Children's Rights: Senator Boxer has worked to expand children's access to healthcare and education. She has been involved in legislation to improve school safety and increase prosecution for people who commit crimes against children. She has also continuously fought to protect a woman's right to choose and right to reproductive healthcare. In her role as a member of the Foreign Relations Committee, she is in a position to fight for women's rights all over the world.
Senator Boxer has been a consistent voice for equality and progressive issues. Her policies are not just good for Democrats. They are good for Californians, and for Americans. While she faces no serious primary challenger, she has three potential Republican challengers (the Republican primary has yet to be held). When deciding who to vote for this November, I hope you will support Barbara Boxer.
Wednesday, March 24, 2010
The Filibuster Problem
The story with the filibuster is always the same: if you are in the minority party, you adore it and if you are in the majority party you despise it. And of course, senators tend to change their positions depending on which party is in power along the Beltway, throwing red meat to the packs of political commentators and lighting up CNN's news tickers. But one thing a surprising number of senators agree on is that, love it or hte it, the filibuster is broken. I happen to think that it's high time we start thinking about filibuster reform. One only has to look at the recent Jim Bunning debacle to wonder about the wisdom of giving one single person the power to cost thousands of people their unemploymet benefits and even thousands more their jobs.
First, some history. The filibuster is a power peculiar to the Senate, written into the Senate rules to protect minority rights. Simply put, it allows one person (or a group of people) to virtually kill a bill by refusing to stop talking about it. In more technical terms, it allows unlimited debate on a bill, which can only be ended by a cloture vote. With 60+ votes, the bill passes; any less, and it is officially dead. The filibuster is in essence a way to protect the rights of the minority and ensure that all sides are heard in a debate. But of course, if the party in power has a 60+ supermajority, a filibuster is ineffective even as a threat (unless senators in the majority party join in the filibuster).
Like many tool made with good intentions, the filibuster has changed -- for the worse. In the old days, a senator who wanted to filibuster a bill had to stand on the Senate floor, stare his or her colleagues and the American people in the face, and say exactly why he or she opposed the bill. Senators has to speak, nonstop, until a cloture vote was called. That happens no longer. The Senate has evolved a 2-track system for legislative business, so that one senator can simply declare that bill X -- say, on environmental regulation -- is being filibustered, while work on bill Y -- say, on equal pay laws -- continues. This removes a lot of the personal accountability from the senators launching a filibuster. And no matter how much Jim Bunning complains about missing basketball games in order to stop the COBRA extension bill, he has it much easier than the Strom Thurmonds and Henry Clays of days gone by.
With this change in how the filibuster is implemented has come a seeming change in its purpose. Not only is it being used as a way to protect the minority, extend debates, and kill potentially damaging bills, it is being used to bring the senate to a virtual halt. Now, Tom Coburn might love gridlock, but as a normal citizen, I despise it. The gridlock was so bad recently that the Senate was sitting on upwards of 200 bills that had passed the House but couldn't be acted on because of filibusters, real or threatened.
So I propose we reform the filibuster. Because it is impossible to get rid of it (at lease from a common-sense point of view, because the Republican "nuclear option" of a few years ago would have allowed a simple majority to override a Senate rule and stop a filibuster). The point is that the filibuster has a defined and useful purpose. It is the constant abuse of the filibuster that must stop. The following reforms would do much to move along the legislative process in the Senate while still allowing the filibuster to serve its original purpose.
- A filibuster should only be brought by more than one person. This ensures that there is a real, reasoned-out opposition to a bill, rather than one person acting in their own interest, or that of special interest groups.
- We must return to the one-track system. If some senators want to talk a bill to death, they darn well better be prepared to, well, talk . . . for as long as it takes. Not only will this make people think twice about filibustering, it will also re-instate the degree of responsibility and accountability that comes with bringing a legislative body to a complete halt for hours.
- Filibusters should not be used on judicial or other presidential nominees. This not conflicts with the powers of the executive branch, it nearly brought the Senate down once, and could possibly do so again. That is one thing no one (except possibly Mr. Coburn) wants to see happen.
- If senators choose to filibuster a bill, they should be required to speak on topics related to the bill. This one is common sense, guys. The purpose of a filibuster is unlimited debate over a bill. If you're reminiscing about Grandma's mint juleps, you're not debating a bill (at least, I hope you're not! That would be one strange piece of legislation). If a senator is that eager to delay a vote on a bill, he or she should put a hold on it. Not filibuster it.
Tuesday, March 23, 2010
The Healthcare Bill: What’s Going to Really Happen?
Sunday, March 21, 2010
Healthcare Has Passed the House!
The House passed both the Senate bill and the Reconciliation bill (a package of changes to the Senate bill)
Anya is elated.
Ashley is disgruntled.
Both of us are disgusted that we've read more of the healthcare bill than the actual people who voted on it.
We were trying to call C-SPAN when they were taking callers on-air, but neither of us got through. Look for detailed responses from both of us tomorrow!
Saturday, March 20, 2010
A Promise (Or Two)
The full text of the compromise healthcare bill is online at the New York Times's website (link: http://documents.nytimes.com/health-care-reconciliation-bill#p=1). So Ashley and Anya promise you, our loyal readers (if there are any . . .) that we will read the healthcare bill in its entirety. Yes, all 153 pages.
We also promise more posts to come soon. Topics: the filibuster, healthcare, Bart Stupak, and Don't Ask, Don't Tell.
